The Maine Senate Race and the Centrist Dilemma

A voter standing at a fork in the road with signs pointing toward “Candidate Quality” and “Senate Control,” symbolizing the difficult choice facing centrist and independent voters in the Maine Senate race.

Sometimes the centrist position is to say that the menu itself is inadequate.

CIVPAC is not endorsing in the Maine Senate race at this time.

That is not because the race is unimportant. It is very important. Maine could help determine control of the United States Senate. Susan Collins is one of the few remaining Republican senators with a reputation for independence. Graham Platner, the Democratic nominee, has become an embattled and highly controversial candidate. Even apart from the personal controversies, his policy positions make a centrist uneasy. And the possible Democratic replacements, if Platner withdraws, do not yet present an obvious centrist alternative.

That is precisely the problem.

This race poses a real dilemma for centrists. On ordinary policy and temperament grounds, many centrists may find Susan Collins preferable to the current Democratic field. She is experienced, institutionally minded, and comparatively moderate within the modern Republican Party. She has sometimes broken with Donald Trump in ways that matter.

But “comparatively moderate” is not the same as independent of today’s Republican Party. A vote for Collins is also a vote that affects Senate control, committee control, confirmations, and the ability of Congress to restrain or enable a Trump-dominated Republican Party. PolitiFact found that Collins voted with Trump’s position 94.6% of the time in 2025, while also noting that she was still among the less Trump-aligned Republican senators. Both halves of that sentence matter.

The Democratic side is not easier. Platner won the Democratic nomination, despite CIVPAC’s preference for Janet Mills in the primary, but he now faces serious allegations and controversies, which he denies, and major Democratic leaders have called on him to withdraw. Senate Democratic leaders have said the DSCC will not invest in the Maine race if he remains on the ballot. Maine Democrats have said that if Platner withdraws, he cannot choose his replacement; the state party would do so under Maine’s replacement process.

Legally, Platner cannot name his replacement. Politically, that is not the end of the matter. He is under no legal obligation to withdraw, and that gives him cards to play. If he tries to condition his withdrawal on influence over the replacement, I am not persuaded that the Maine Democratic Party will have the will to call his bluff. If it capitulates — especially to a successor in Platner’s ideological lane — it will likely lose a majority of the centrist independent vote.

That replacement process may produce a better nominee. It may not.

The names being discussed include figures with experience and ability. Janet Mills is a sitting governor and a conventional governing Democrat. Nirav Shah has a technocratic public-health and administrative profile. Troy Jackson has appeal to working-class populists. Shenna Bellows has experience in state office and a strong democracy/civil-liberties profile. But none of these alternatives, at least at this stage, clearly solves the centrist problem.

Mills may be the most conventionally centrist Democrat. Shah may be the most technocratic. Jackson and Bellows appeal more strongly to progressive voters, which is precisely why they do not clearly solve the problem from a centrist’s point of view. But “less bad” or “more plausible” is not the same as meeting an affirmative standard for endorsement.

That distinction matters to CIVPAC.

Our endorsements are not meant to be automatic partisan gestures. We do not endorse Democrats simply because of our concerns about Trump’s Republican Party. We do not endorse Republicans simply because a Democratic nominee is too far left. We are looking for candidates who show moderation, seriousness, judgment, respect for democratic institutions, and a willingness to govern rather than perform.

Sometimes a race does not offer that choice.

That is not merely a Maine problem. It is a system problem.

America’s winner-take-all elections push politics into two major parties. In normal times, that can be frustrating. In abnormal times, it can become dangerous. Voters are forced to weigh questions that should not have to be bundled together. Do I prefer this candidate’s policy instincts? Do I prefer the other party’s control of the Senate? Do I trust this person’s character? Do I trust that person’s party? Am I voting for a senator, a Senate majority, a check on a president, or a message to my own side?

The answer, too often, is all of the above.

That is why many centrists feel politically homeless. They may prefer Susan Collins to much of the Democratic field on temperament and some policy questions. They may also fear strengthening a Republican Senate in the Trump era. They may want Democrats to nominate serious, mainstream, pro-democracy candidates. They may also be unwilling to reward a party that elevates candidates who are unvetted, extreme, or unfit. They may want a politics of moderation, but find themselves offered a choice between party control and candidate quality.

That is not a healthy political system.

CIVPAC believes voters deserve better than this. They deserve serious candidates in both parties. They deserve primaries that test judgment, not merely ideological enthusiasm. They deserve parties that vet candidates before crisis. They deserve institutions that make room for independent-minded voters without forcing them into binary choices that distort their actual views.

The Maine Senate race is a reminder that centrism is not the same thing as splitting the difference. Sometimes the centrist position is not to “endorse the moderate Republican” or “endorse the least objectionable Democrat.” Sometimes the centrist position is to say that the menu itself is inadequate.

That is where CIVPAC is today.

We may revisit the race if the field changes. If Platner withdraws and Maine Democrats choose a replacement who demonstrates moderation, seriousness, judgment, and respect for democratic institutions, that candidate deserves evaluation. If Collins takes positions or actions that demonstrate genuine independence from Trumpism, that matters too. But at this point, CIVPAC is not prepared to endorse anyone.

That may sound unsatisfying. It is unsatisfying.

But honesty is better than pretending.

The Maine Senate race presents exactly the kind of dilemma that makes many Americans distrust politics: a comparatively moderate Republican tied to a party many centrists believe has become dangerous, and a Democratic field that has not yet produced a clearly acceptable alternative.

That is not a reason to stop caring. It is a reason to demand better.

Update: Shortly after this post was published, Graham Platner announced that he was suspending his campaign. That does not eliminate the dilemma described below; it moves it to the replacement process. The central question now is whether Maine Democrats will choose a nominee who can appeal to centrist and independent voters, or whether they will remain in Platner’s ideological lane.

If the replacement is chosen through a rushed activist convention, Democrats may have avoided letting Platner name his successor while still creating a process likely to favor his faction. That may prove to be all the capitulation he needed.

A Centrist on the Road: Conversations About American Politics

A depiction of the Gand Canyon.

A Centrist on the Road

I recently traveled through the American Southwest. The scenery was spectacular, and the spring climate was remarkably pleasant.

Travel has a way of producing conversations that are different from ordinary social life. You meet people briefly, often in beautiful or unfamiliar places, and sometimes talk more freely than you might at home. Other times, of course, people avoid anything controversial.

During this recent travel, I had a few conversations about public policy and the state of American politics. Sometimes views were offered openly. In other cases, they emerged only after questions. None of the conversations were confrontational.

What struck me most, however, was not the number of political conversations, but how few there were. Despite making my interest in politics clear more than once, most people avoided the subject almost entirely.

That itself seemed revealing.

Democratic Party Politics

The easiest conversation to begin was with someone who had volunteered an interest in politics. This person had been active in Democratic Party politics and described their own views as left wing, but not far left wing.

We agreed on a number of things, including the need for Democrats to reach voters outside their normal constituencies. I shared the CIVPAC website and asked for reactions. My suspicion is that the site may have been reviewed, but it did not generate much enthusiasm.

I heard, from someone else, the view that Senator John Fetterman of Pennsylvania should leave the Democratic Party. I found that revealing. Fetterman still votes with Democrats the overwhelming majority of the time. He is also exactly the kind of culturally heterodox Democrat who may be able to reach voters the party otherwise struggles to reach.

It may be easier to accept the concept of a broader coalition in the abstract than to accept the reality of sharp disagreement from members of one’s own coalition.

A Competitive Senate Race

Another conversation concerned a competitive Senate race in the Northeast. The person I spoke with knew the race well and was clearly dissatisfied with the available choices.

The reaction was not enthusiastic support for one side so much as exhaustion with the alternatives. The sense I took away was not ideological excitement, but political fatigue.

For CIVPAC, races like this are difficult. A candidate may be more centrist on a number of public policy issues than most members of that candidate’s party and may even have broken with party leadership on some important questions. But that same candidate may also have supported party leadership on many other issues in ways that weaken any claim to independence.

At the same time, the opposing candidate may hold views on socialism, foreign policy, public safety, or political violence that many moderates find difficult to accept.

The conversation itself was short. Unlike my exchange with the Democratic activist, this did not feel like a conversation with someone trying to shape the future of a party. It felt more like a conversation with someone tired of choosing among imperfect options.

My suspicion is that this kind of voter may be more representative of the broader electorate than the activists who dominate so much political discussion.

Immigration and Economic Dislocation

I have also encountered strong views about immigration, especially when people believe immigration has affected their own economic prospects.

The H-1B visa program for highly skilled workers is a good example. At the national level, expanding the supply of skilled labor may increase growth, reduce costs, and support innovation. That is the standard economic argument, and it has real force.

But the individual experience can look very different. Someone who invests time and money in retraining for a technology-related career, only to find the door closed, may experience immigration policy not as an abstraction, but as a personal economic threat.

I am not in a position to judge whether any particular person’s career disappointment was caused by foreign labor competition. Labor markets are complicated, and individual outcomes rarely have a single cause.

But the feeling is real. And politically, feelings of unfairness matter.

Policies that appear efficient at a national level can still generate resentment and distrust if people experience the burdens and benefits as unfairly distributed. A politics that ignores those concentrated costs should not be surprised when affected voters become angry.

International Politics

Another conversation turned to European politics, immigration, and nationalism. The person was very familiar with European politics and followed political developments there closely.

The views expressed did not fit neatly into standard American categories. There was concern about democratic backsliding and authoritarian politics, but also some sympathy for European leaders who had taken a harder line on immigration. The argument was that immigration restrictions may have protected some countries from social and public-safety problems experienced elsewhere in Europe. There was also interest in pro-natalist policies, including benefits and protections for new parents.

This was not a wholehearted endorsement of European nationalism. Nor was it a full-throated condemnation.

What interested me most, however, was how poorly the conversation fit American political categories. A person with cross-border experience expressing partial sympathy for nationalist European leaders because of concerns about immigration, crime, and demographics does not fit comfortably into the ideological narratives that dominate American politics.

For myself, I viewed recent political change in parts of Europe, including the defeat of Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz party in Hungary, with guarded optimism. Guarded because it is never immediately clear how a new government will actually govern. Optimistic because cooperation with democratic allies and support for Ukraine matter a great deal.

Real voters are often more complicated than our political labels.

Conclusions

There is nothing remotely scientific about gathering political impressions while traveling. But informal conversations sometimes reveal things that polls cannot.

I had only a handful of political conversations. Despite making my interest in politics clear, most people I encountered did not express political views at all.

I increasingly think that silence itself may say something important.

Most people may simply be exhausted by the current political environment. They may also be reluctant to expose their views to criticism from people they do not know well. In many social settings, politics increasingly feels less like a conversation and more like a potential social risk.

People naturally search for conversational ground with strangers. Passing on an obvious invitation to discuss politics may therefore tell us quite a bit.

I also suspect that some vocal people already have relatively fixed political identities and voting behavior. But the quieter majority may still be politically available in ways activists and highly engaged partisans often underestimate.

Both parties should recognize that and act accordingly.

In retrospect, I also wish I had identified myself more strongly as a centrist independent and not simply as someone interested in politics. I wonder whether that would have changed some of the conversations — or perhaps encouraged more of them.

Maybe next time.

Legislative Resolution of the Debate on Abortion Rights

Legislative Solution to Abortion Rights

The Centrist Independent Voter policy position on abortion rights is that if Roe/Casey is overturned, we should attempt to re-establish those same rights legislatively. The position is also that we should not take that opportunity to either expand or contract those rights.

Susan Collins(R) and Lisa Murkowski (R) have jointly introduced legislation in the Senate to accomplish exactly this objective. This link also provides their defense of this legislation.

If the Democrats in the Senate were to embrace this proposal, they might well be able to muster the votes necessary to overcome the filibuster. In addition to Collins and Murkowski, Shelley Moore Capito (R) is pro-choice. I believe seven more Republicans can be found who would settle for this legislation rather than risk having the Senate rules changed to eliminate the filibuster and seeing the Democratic version of this legislation pass and seeing the Court packed with liberal justices.

Remember some conservatives objected to the Roe decision because it represented an overreach by an activist court rather than because of the content of the decision. Reversal of Roe combined with a legislative answer to the issue constitutes victory for these judicial conservatives.

Democrats who want to use this issue to end the filibuster and pack the Court should remember that they will not always be in control.

Democrats who turn down this compromise, because they hope to gain a political advantage in the mid-terms, should remember that their refusal to even consider the compromise will hurt them. They should also remember that while support for abortion rights similar to those laid out in the Collins/Murkowski legislation is widespread, support for unlimited abortion rights is far less popular.

A final reason for Democrats to embrace the Collins/Murkowski bill is that it would make a Supreme Court decision on the issue currently before the court moot. If the Collins/Murkowski bill became law, the Mississippi law before the Court would clearly be illegal. The Court does not issue decisions if the issue is moot. That would address the concern that the Alito draft decision, if adopted, would set a precedent that would undermine other court decisions such as contraception and same sex marriage rights. If the Democrats wait until the Supreme Court delivers their final decision they will have missed this opportunity.

Sen. Susan Collins’ support for Ketanji Brown Jackson

It was good to hear this morning that Sen. Susan Collins (R) of Maine will be supporting the confirmation of Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson to the U.S. Supreme Court.

As mentioned before on this blog, Judge Jackson is probably left of center. However, in the universe of left of center judges, one would be hard put to find a more well-reasoned set of answers to the questions posed to her during the hearings.

That was, apparently, also true during her hearings for confirmation to the U.S. Appeals Court. She was confirmed, in that case, by a bi-partisan vote of 53-44. Let’s hope that the current vote will be even more bi-partisan.

Update: When the vote was cast Murkowski and Romney joined Collins in voting to confirm Ketanji Brown Jackson to the Supreme Court.